OLONKHO
the Yakut Heroic Epos

(Detailed description as it was written in candidate application for the 3rd proclamation of masterpieces of the oral and intangible heritage of the humanity)

Ethnological Description

REFLECTION OF YAKUTS ETHNOGENESIS IN OLONKHO

Since the 19th century many Russian researchers concerned with the prob lems of Sakha (Yakut) traditional culture addressed themselves to materials of Olonkho epos. Special emphasis was given to questions of illustration, retro spective analysis, and reconstruction of ethnogeny and way of life of the Turkic- speaking Yakuts (Sakha) of the past. For this purpose lexical basis of epic poetic formulas, motifs, and plots that quite vividly reflected archaic features of traditional rituals, beliefs, mythological views, clannish structures, ethics and morals as well as half-forgotten elements of material culture (dwellings, clothes, weapons, instruments of labour, fishery and hunting) of Sakha remote ancestry have been widely used.

In 1920s, in his search for Epic Pro-Fathers of Sakha People, a Yakut poet PA. Oiunskyi was the first to introduce a paradigm on Sakha origin from the East of Aral Sea (Araat bayhal). Those nomads could have later wandered into Lake of Baikal. Anyhow, the present Yakut history has ever been considered to start in Lena Valley in her midstream. Though PA. Oiunskyi has never been an expert in history or ethnography, he was the first to disprove the migration hypothesis on Sakha ethnogeny — one that has been dominating the Russian historiography since the 18 th century. The theory of the northward migration of the then already formed Sakha ethnos has been later fundamentally recon sidered by Soviet historians S.A. Tokarev andA.P. Okladnikov. Divergence of opinions of these scholars lied in the fact that S.A. Tokarev inclined to believe in the northern indigenous component as the decisive factor of Yakut ethnog eny, while A.P. Okladnikov gave preference to the southern Turkic compo nent 22 .

The first fundamental study of historical ethnography and ethnogeny of ancient Sakha is the first volume of monograph by prominent Yakut ethnogra pher G.V. Ksenofontov Uraahgkhai-sakhalar (1937). On the basis of broad comparison of the oriental studies and folklore (epic) materials the author has marked out three stages of the northward migration of the southern tribes that took place in the 1 - 12 th centuries chronologically close to the periods of the rising of ancient Huns — syunnu, Turks — kurykan, and Uigurs — oguz.

In his works on Yakut shamanism G.V. Ksenofontov has also used folklore epic materials. It is the author's opinion that the latter vividly illustrate ancient Turkic origin of Sakha. The author wrote, "Orkhon origin of Sakha should be taken as a simple historical axiom. Yakuts in their epic and religious poetry call the land Yutyugan. In Orkhon inscriptions Turks' native land is called the same word Yutyugan. <...> Besides, Yakuts still call themselves a part of the numerous tribe of Oghuz (bulls, stags) — the name that is common cultural ethnic designation of Orkhon Turks. <.. .> Now every Yakut greets his fellows with the question terdyung, oghuhung (uuhung) kimii? — Who is your ancestor, your bull-forefather? In heroic epic Yakuts' ancestor, their patriarch Ellei's son, is known by the name of Ynah-UolaAidaan Buhatyyr — Cow's Son Aid- aan Bogatyr (hero warrior)".

In 1930s another Yakut ethnographer A. A. Savvin wrote that the main Yakut religion was the cult of bright deities aiyy. "Black" shamanism might repre sent the religion of the tribes of "Yutugan country" (i.e. ancient Turks). Yakut cult of "black" shaman (yutugan oyuuna) began to dominate in connection with the collapse of the "rule of steppe horse breeding and appearance of pessimistic mood in religion of Yakuts dragging out a miserable bondage of colonial slavery...".

Thus, in the epic country of Yutugan some ethnographers saw the native of ancient Sakha, while the others considered it the quarters of their bitterest enemies. In his search for historical native land of Sakha G.V. Ksenofontov was among the first to pay serious attention to Olonkho. He noted that Yakuts called the land Yutyugan and matron goddess of the land Yutyugan itchtchite. In E.K. Pekarsky's Dictionary of the Yakut Language spirit of the land hostess doydu itchtchite is also called Yutyugan itchtchite (Col.3195). In A.A. Sav- vin's archive records we find an interesting note: "Yutyugan itchtchite -Aan doydu itchtchite. Yutyugan -Aan doydu" 21 . In this epic sense Yutyugan itchtch ite means "Mistress of the World", i.e. of the Universe. A similar character of Yutyugan, goddess of earth and fertility living "within the earth" is found among Alar Buryats.

Hence, there has been the most archaic character of earth's goddess Yutyugan existing before the cult of evil Erlic, the head of lower world in Turkic-Mongol mythological ritual tradition, among common ancestors of Sakha and Buryats. The fact makes us more careful in our attitude towards the popular hypothesis of the lower world Yutyugan symbolizing hostile Turkic kaganat. At first, Yutyugan has symbolized maternal essence of the native land giving birth to all living. The word "Yutyugan" in the meaning of alien Lower World in epos or of Christian "hell" could be used at the later historical stages when Yakuts have been forced ly converted to Christianity.

MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGION

In Yakut epos the earth's goddess has sometimes taken the role of shaman woman possessing, instead of tambourine and rattle, a birchen patterned bowl chabychakh and a ritual spoon khamyiakh. "Black" shaman woman with a birchen tambourine is also mentioned in Altai epos. Here a "birchen tam bourine" is undoubtedly a fetish genetically connected with birchen coffins of the forefathers and birchen baskets tyuktyuye where spirits of dead relatives were kept. Yakut shamans themselves allegorically called their tambourines chabychakh (Author's observations).

In the light of this evidence we can cite an interesting extract from a WW2 veteran's memoirs. In summer 1941 a column of the recruits going to war was long convoyed by two whirlwinds. They drifted at the head of the column "beating the drum" on old birchen chabychakh elevated high in the skies.

In Yakut mythology it was the earth's goddess spirit who appeared as the whirlwind. So, the soldiers could apprehend the event as an attempt of their Motherland to guard them against almost unavoidable death in the battle.

Folklore ethnographic review of Yakuts' old way of life, religion and tradi tions has been given by P.A. Oyunskyi. Summarizing folklore materials, he came to an important conclusion that ancient beliefs of Sakha ancestors are genetically connected to matriarchy. The cult of mother goddesses was per sonified in earth's goddess Aan Alakhchyn khotun as well as mothers creators Aiyyhyt and Yeyekhsit. Indirect evidence in favour of the thesis is given in purely archaic Olonkho plots where main heroes are unmounted hunter war riors. They can turn to eagle or fish (i.e. play the role of totems), they have no battle horses, they fight with bone, stone or wooden weapons. Epic hero brings home his rescued sister (twins motif) carrying her on his back.

Till recently Sakha have called the bride moving to her bridegroom's house syuktyur kyys ("girl sitting on one's back"). In this connection it is reasonable to recall Yalut term jabyn "unknown distance", "the other world" and compare it to Mongolian jabunai, jabun-d "goes", jabugan "going on foot". Ethno graphic parallel is obvious, as girl's marriage has been arranged like a ritual of her "death" and "resurrection" in new form. Thus, epic heroes have travelled to the other world on foot. Jabyn has not been connected to any particular direction; it just meant transition to the other world. It is no accident that shaman can be "rooted" both in lower and upper worlds.

Epic materials have been fruitfully employed by Academician A.I. Gogo- lev for analysis of the origins of religious beliefs and rituals of Sakha people. In his monograph A.I. Gogolev summarizes broad folklore epic comparisons and reveals plots and motifs tracing back to mythological tradition of Indo- European (Indo-Iranian) tribes. With new materials of Olonkho epos and mythology, the author repeats his popular thesis of Sakha ethnic culture ini tially formed amidst early nomads of Eurasia 35 .

As the most archaic epos of Turkic-Mongolian ethnoses, Yakut Olonkho has preserved the oldest archetypes of mythological consciousness. In our opinion, spiritual myths tracing back to religious magic ceremonies of initiation have been among "birthplaces" of Olonkho idea content. In epic plots one can find echoes of ancient initiations of children, hunters, warriors, and shamans. Epic motif of three heroic feats corresponds to three stages of social initiation. Under Sakha common law, before his marriage a young man has been considered an inferior member of society. Only a married man could be a real warrior.

However, in Olonkho we notice the opposite: aiyy epic hero is active since his birth to his marriage. After his marriage and his son's birth he turns into a decrepit old man. He is no longer an individual personality. It seems that the answer is in the custom of matrilocal societies when a youth moving to his wife's clan was thought of as "dead". The idea is reflected in universal motif of main heroes' "death and resurrection".

We are confident that the character of tribal hero aiyy is typologically and functionally identical to mythological character of tribal shaman aiyy. The latter has also put on armour — kuyakh (caftan with pendants), "travelled" over three worlds of the Universe protecting people from abaahy evil spirits. In our opin ion, the full name of Yakut "white" shaman was the epic definition aiyy aim- aghyn oyuuna ("shaman of the Yakut tribe"). Ideological comparability of warrior and shaman characters leads to uncertainty on whether aiyy cult has been a part of the common system of Yakut shamanism. Ability of aiyy shamans to act resolutely fully coincides with moral values of Olonkho heroes protecting their kin and tribe. Aiyy tribal hero, as a mediator between the worlds of spirits and humans, has been passing through shaman ordaining.

Cult myths have been sacred. That is why epos creators themselves could be priests concerned with initiation rituals. Ethnographer L.P. Potapov seems to be right in his assumption on probable ties between "white" shamans and folklore performers. In our opinion, epic characters of mighty maid warriors should not be taken in direct historical sense. All their "military" attributes and heroic deeds are only poetic (mythological) representation of complex way of individual development, of new family formation. Sacral forms of initiation of ancient women shamans, blacksmiths, shamans, warriors, and chieftains had similar features on the whole. Ancient epic plots give grounds to suppose that the southern ancestors of Sakha had a hierarchic scale of rank of woman shaman — blacksmith — shaman — warrior — chieftain. Traces of worship of femininity should have preserved even in ceremonies of ordaining of kagans in Turkic-Mongolian states 38 .

Everything described above testifies to the fact that Yakut epos Olonkho has collected, in compact and encoded form, many elements of spiritual lega cy of ancient Eurasian cultures, from late Stone Age to the late Middle Ages. This generally recognized scientific fact gives us the right to be proud of Sa kha epic heritage as a bright masterpiece of the world oral literature.

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